During the colonial period, the planning profession was at the forefront of providing new township settlements, creating parallel schools, hospitals, shops and other services for different racial classes.
More than 50 years later, however, the legacy of colonialism continues to shape the nation both metaphorically and literally.
Racial zoning was a key tool in delivering spatial segregation by race under the colonial governance system in Kenya.
In the run-up to independence, forced evictions and mass displacement were inevitable consequences.
During the colonial period, the planning profession was at the forefront of providing new township settlements, creating parallel schools, hospitals, shops and other services for different racial classes.
More than 50 years later, however, the legacy of colonialism continues to shape the nation both metaphorically and literally. In my urban economics class, it was stated that the then planning system saw the emergence of what we could best describe as the urbanisation of poverty.
Powers of Horror by Julia Kristeva presupposes that abject caused “visceral disgust but posed a threat” to the established order of any given social grouping. The abject is a product of particular times and places but limited attention has been given to understanding the process of transitioning away from abject status.
Colonialism in Kenya was predicated on the abjection of black natives, who it was feared would be a threat to the moral order of the colonial masters.
Since 1964 there has been a clear policy discourse of creating a more equal society with various legislative and policy initiatives, attempting not only to remove racial abjection in law but also in lived experience.
The cultural and spatial implications of the apartheid system did not come to an end with the introduction of new governance regimes. Today, Kenya remains deeply divided with extremes of wealth and poverty.
There is a particular colonial history to planning in Kenya that continues to shape its operation in parts of the global south including Kenya. Legacy infrastructures were usually designed to meet the needs of wealthier (white colonial) populations and these areas often continue to be better served today.
The same can best be described by the idea of “abject urbanism to describe practices where infrastructure developments have been used as a means to help purge and control poorer neighbourhoods.
In Kenya, the denial of access to infrastructures such as roads, electricity and water supply has been used to condemn certain groups to abject status.
The power of infrastructure to create abjection places considerable responsibility on citizens, urban planners and the overall urban planning laws in Kenya to regulate how these infrastructures are located and used.
In addition, there is a need for change in the political climate of Kenya from overt capitalism towards pursuing inclusivity and greater equity in resource distribution and the power matrix. Is Kenya ready for a paradigm shift to a more radical form of urbanism, a corollary of the country’s vision 2030?
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