Ideas & Debate

What Uhuru must do in final term to secure his legacy

MEET

President Uhuru Kenyatta meets his economic team at the National Treasury. FILE PHOTO | NMG

The November 20 Supreme Court decision to “uphold (both) the October 26 repeat presidential election, as well as the election of the third respondent” has elicited some calm, at least before President-elect Uhuru Kenyatta’s inauguration on Tuesday.

It is, however, clear to many that while the immediate electoral ruckus is over, deep-seated political, social and economic issues remain unresolved. 

Simply, the notion that Kenya is back in that imaginary “state of being” referred to as a “return to normalcy” is purely dark humour.  These are uncertain times, which neither side of the political divide seems eager to dispel.

On the one hand, we have a legally endorsed President, who won 98 per cent of the vote on a 39 per cent turnout, Kenya’s lowest ever. In perspective, our previous lowest turnout was 41 per cent during the infamous “mlolongo” (queueing) election of 1988. Our highest ever was 68 per cent in 1979.  Legitimacy, you say.

On the other, we have a rival candidate, who again lost an election.  Some might argue that the August 8 annulment and October 26 withdrawal mean that Raila Odinga didn’t participate in 2017. Others will point to 61 per cent “non-turnout” as a referendum by the people on the sorry state of our electoral process. 

Anarchy, you proclaim. One thing is clear from observation. Whether we believe in it or not, the National Super Alliance will continue its aggressive agenda for “root and branch” reform across Kenya’s political, social and economic landscape. 

This so-called “Third Revolution” (following our 1991 multi-party moment and 2010 constitutional moment), will probably aim for significant change by 2020, or at least before the next election in 2022. Our next national census (which provides the baseline of voters) will be an interesting process to watch. 

One expects this reform push to rely on our “three-year rule”— major reform comes three years after major crisis or upheaval. Think 1991 multi-parties after 1988 “mlolongo”; or 2010 Constitution after 2007/8 post-election violence.

Yet, when all is said and done, it is Mr Kenyatta who remains in the “box seat”. 

It is to him that the Constitution accords the ultimate “bully pulpit” to bring out the best in, and of, Kenya along — to quote State House this week — “a path of peace, prosperity, constitutional order, and of healing”.  

He could start with economic recovery. This looks like his current approach going by media reporting on his meetings with various economic teams.

Unfortunately, this “business as usual” keeps Kenya on the fraught mega-projects (and mega-borrowing) path of his first term. 

SGR will continue, as will last-mile electricity connections and road building. Water looks like the new project locus — 57 mega-dams were promised in the Jubilee manifesto.

READ: UK issues travel advice ahead of Uhuru's swearing-in

Think too about stuff like the Nairobi International Financial Centre behind the city’s current construction boom. Viewing this as too narrow.

Mr Kenyatta might add to his agenda recent proposals for national dialogue made by the Kenya Conference of Catholic Bishops around electoral reform, national healing and reconciliation and long-term issues such as governance, transparency and accountability, poverty, unemployment, economic inequality, conflict resolution and injustice.

This would be a great step forward.  Those Jubilee politicians, who suggest that institutions for dialogue already exist fail to understand that these issues exist because institutions don’t work.

Better still would be for Mr Kenyatta to provide leadership in revisiting and restarting Agenda Four of the 2008 National Accord.  Lest we forget, this was about 10 long-term issues that are at the heart of Kenya’s current “winter of discontent”.

So we have a constitution that we want to overhaul before it’s fully implemented.

Judiciary reform has progressed impressively, but faces political headwinds. Police and parliamentary reform never happened. Gimmick-led civil service and land reform is stillborn in substance. 

Add the age-old problems of poverty, inequality, youth unemployment, national cohesion and unity, transparency, accountability and impunity. 

At bottom, Mr Kenyatta’s overall agenda is clear. Revamp and strengthen governance, secure the State and the people, promote equitable economic opportunity, and eventually, pay for all of it absent of corruption-induced debt and 2022-inspired mega-project mania. 

Think inclusive dialogue around the Governance-Security-Socio-Economy-Fiscal nexus.

He may not know it yet, but circumstances have presented Mr Kenyatta with his greatest ever inclusive leadership opportunity. He should grab it with both hands.