Is EAC a Trojan horse for rival interests in the DRC?

A range of factors could be attributed to the DR Congo’s long-standing and deliberate efforts to seek admission into the East African Community (EAC) bloc.

The formal admission last week to the EAC as the seventh member builds on an existing foundation of goodwill that the DRC and the bloc’s member states have enjoyed over the decades.

EAC states have played host to the DRC nationals who have escaped the insecurity in their country resulting from the prolonged conflict in the country and supported multiple peace talks aimed at stabilising the DRC that have taken place in different capitals in the region.

Social-cultural ties through the popular rhumba and Lingala music across East Africa is one example of an existing relationship.

The Eastern part of DRC, being landlocked, relies heavily on the ports of Mombasa and Dar es Salaam for their exports and imports. The DRC is the fourth largest populous country in Africa. As such, it has a huge potential market for the whole of the EAC.

The country also joins the bloc at a time when there is huge competition among the other EAC member states in engaging the DRC. For example, Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda and Tanzania have troops stationed in the DRC undertaking different functions based on multiple bilateral and multilateral agreements.

Resource-rich areas

This brings to the fore the view of the EAC as a Trojan horse for these East African states to entrench their stranglehold over the DRC, especially when it comes to controlling the resource-rich areas.

Indeed, the DRC, Uganda, Burundi and Rwanda have their security intrinsically linked with each other because of the long-shared border and the history that precedes conflicts in the East of the DRC. This has informed the alertness with which Rwanda and Uganda security forces have always had to protect their territories.

Tanzania too has troops domiciled within the SADC-led Force Intervention Brigade that has a mandate of going after the multiple rebel groups that were operating in the Eastern DRC, especially the M23 group that is allegedly backed by Rwanda.

After many years of a lull, the M23 made its point known that it remains a thorn in the flesh of the Eastern DRC by staging an attack on the day the DRC was being admitted to the EAC. This may be a sign of things to come.

Recently, Kenya also joined the peacekeeping economy in the DRC by deploying the Quick Reaction Force that is part of the United Nations Stabilisation Mission in the country.

The competing interests perhaps explain why DRC President Tshisekedi has opted to reach out and help defuse possible tensions necessitated by the cut-throat scramble for his country that might complicate his presidency further.

This view is supported by him embracing the entire bloc as opposed to signing piecemeal agreements with selective states.

The EAC being a Trojan horse for other member states to join and engage goes a long way in checking the alleged meddling by some of the EAC member states.

Border dispute

It is important to note that under Tshisekedi’s leadership, the tension between the DRC, Uganda and Rwanda have thawed significantly to the point that he managed to organise successful peace talks over the border dispute that culminated in the signing of an MOU on August 21, 2019 in Luanda, Angola.

The EAC Treaty gives a criterion under which a new member state can be admitted to the community, which includes but not limited to observance and practice of principles of good governance, democracy and the rule of law.

Given the controversial circumstances of Tshisekedi’s election in 2019, why has the EAC accepted the admission of the DRC despite the glaring shortcomings in fulfilling the criteria set by the Treaty?

Looking at the DRC today, despite the semblance of calm in some parts of the country, the situation remains fragile and could easily degenerate into chaos if circumstances change.

The jury is still out on whether Tshisekedi has managed to gain total control of the government after the collapse of the coalition agreement between him and his predecessor.

Going forward, can the EAC bank on the DRC to remain in the bloc even in the likelihood of a regime change in the next elections?

And what do EAC’s regional economic bloc neighbours — where the DRC is a member like Southern African Development Community (SADC) and Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) — have to say about this new relationship?

The DRC’s move to join the EAC will likely have an impact on its existing relationship with SADC bigwigs like South Africa and Angola and to some extent the members of ECCAS.

It is important to note that during his long rule over the DRC, former President Joseph Kabila had cast the country's fortunes with SADC, especially South Africa.

SADC relationship

Despite intermittent and sometimes erratic relationship with the eastern neighbours, there was no known effort to join the EAC bloc. Therefore, for his chosen heir, Tshisekedi to go ahead and actualise the joining of the EAC, it is yet to be seen how that affects the relationship with SADC, especially South Africa.

The main reason for an expected competition would be in the economy where Kenya seems to have taken a major interest.

The most notable being the banking sector where Kenya's Equity Group have merged with DRC's second-largest bank Banque Commerciale du Congo. There exist opportunities in the DRC for Kenyan investors to exploit, especially in the financial sector.

This is because of the high profit margins in places deemed fragile, as most financial institutions charge higher rates for normal transactions due to the risks present.

However, for the longest time, this has been the domain of the SADC-leaning countries especially South Africa.

Angola and Zimbabwe, which have a stake in mineral-rich south of DRC, will also feel squeezed if the EAC were to expand southwards, and this might create another situation where competing foreign countries use the DRC as a theatre for their selfish benefits.

Shared culture

The DRC joining the EAC creates an abundance of opportunities. By virtue of the shared culture, music and language, a DRC inside the EAC is a step towards bridging the divide between Francophone West Africa and East Africa as both regions have some mutually shared expectations in terms of opportunities opening up.

However, this membership should not only be seen as benefiting the elites and big corporates. Ordinary Congolese citizens who have been yearning to freely move within the region and conduct business without being viewed as outsiders have an interest as well.

The entry of the DRC cements the EAC’s position as one of the most progressive regional economic blocs on the African continent.

Wekesa has recently completed his PhD, focusing on the politics of EAC’s regional integration, at King’s College London